Far East: A New Chapter for Uzbekistan’s Foreign Policy

aboodi vesakaran

Uzbekistan, a nation nestled in Central Asia, feels the immense pressure of being within the reaches of multiple global superpowers. Instead of aligning with one nation over its competitors, Uzbekistan’s president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, believes the best way out is to not pick sides at all.

On August 12, Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev reached out to India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, via a private phone call. The call’s objectives were later declassified as a call for “strategic” strengthening of bilateral ties and cooperation with both countries. Mirziyoyev made the call shortly before the much anticipated SCO summit in China which both India’s Modi and Uzbekistan’s Mirziyoyev attended in late August.

The brief phone call was described to the press as productive, with the topics covered varying from trade, health, and technology to cultural ties between the two countries. Both leaders later reaffirmed their commitment to a deeper cooperation and understanding.

At the current tumultuous state of international relations in the Asia-Pacific, does this call signal a novel shift in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy? Or could this call signal India’s greater involvement in its neighboring region, potentially another global superpower in global politics?

What’s the Context?

When speaking of Uzbekistan or Central Asia in general, most people tend to think that the region is mostly covered in peace and quiet. One thing that is definitely true is that central asia is not viewed as a center of conflict the way west asia/middle east is. Nestled between China and Russia, some Central Asian nations face greater political interference from both aforementioned countries, complicating their international relations. 

At the center of it all lies Uzbekistan, a former Soviet state. The country has been greatly influenced by Russian authorities since at least the 19th century, when the country was conquered by the Russian Empire. Ever since the fall of the Soviet Union, when Uzbekistan regained its independence, the country has overseen the formation of multiple international organizations, including the Commonwealth of Independent States, consisting of a group of nations formerly part of the Soviet Union. Critically, Uzbekistan is also a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation or the SCO which held a summit on August 31 through September 1.

Situated in the middle of Eurasia, the nation has also seen multiple international crises from the color revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine to the War in Afghanistan and its Fall of Kabul. With previously existing Russian influence and China’s BRI corridors shifting attention away from the region, Uzbek’s president seems to want to change the narrative and his country’s relevance in international politics.

Uzbekistan also plays a pioneering role in bilateral trade with international partners, one of the first few countries in contemporary Central Asia to do so. Most notably, Uzbekistan has, in recent years, streamlined its trade with its neighboring ‘strategic partners’ including the $756.6 million worth of trade facilitated with India in 2023. The country has also shown keen interest in using the Chabaha Port in Iran to conduct more trade internationally.

What are the Potentials at Stake?

For Uzbekistan, a country which has spent the past century under the shadow of the Soviet Union, then Russia, India is a new opportunity for Uzbekistan to jump start its international economic possibilities. If the country were to act nothing and let this opportunity pass by, China seems eager to cast its shadow over Uzbekistan in major regards from international policies to trade. With India’s entry as a major international relations partner with Uzbekistan, China’s BRI corridor influence and Russia’s legacy influence can be counterbalanced in Uzbekistan.

It must be mentioned that the timing of the call between President Mriziyoyev and PM Modi could not be more of a symbolization of Uzbekistan’s willingness and commitment to this strategic partnership with India, in order to shift a little further away from Chinese and Russian influence. The call, being made a few weeks prior to a major SCO talks in late August through to early September, could be interpreted as if Uzbekistan is telling China that the resources it can provide are plenty and that there are other major powers wanting to get their hands on them.

Meanwhile, for India, Uzbekistan’s offer for strategic partnership is something they, too, can’t deny. With Uzbekistan’s immense availability of gas reserves and the radioactive uranium that could be used in nuclear power plants, India which has been seeking to renew its commitment for energy diversification, will see this as a new opportunity for such commitment. This urgency for India to diversify its energy sources is the direct result of the U.S.’ stance on India’s imports of Russian oil and gas.

By strengthening its strategic and economic ties with India, Uzbekistan has not only diversified its international partnership but also put itself on the path to being a major player in Central Asia. As for India, the immense opportunity of natural resources that comes with the strategic partnership with Uzbekistan provides the country with new horizons in international relations. Altogether, this partnership may reflect a shared goal of a balanced diplomacy or maybe, a stark challenge to the traditional spheres of International superpower.