India Insights: Macron as the Chief Guest for India’s Republic Day
LUDOVIC MArin - AFP
On January 25, 2024, President Macron visited India as the chief guest for the Republic Day celebration on January 26. Republic Day marks the day India adopted its Constitution on January 26, 1950, officially making it a republic after gaining independence from the British in 1947. Generally, the chief guests are leaders from countries that India considers to be strategically important. Macron's visit is the sixth time a French leader has been invited as the chief guest, in comparison to only one American being invited (Barack Obama in 2015).
In 1976, Jacques Chirac was the chief guest as prime minister, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in 1980, Chirac in 1998, Nicolas Sarkozy in 2008, and Francois Hollande in 2016. Likewise, Modi was the guest of honor for Bastille Day on July 14, 2023.
During his trip, Macron toured Jaipur's historical and cultural city along with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi before heading to New Delhi. On his Twitter platform, Prime Minister Modi tweeted
Similarly, Macron tweeted,
Macron's visit to India indicates the broader strategic significance of Paris-New Delhi relations.
The interaction between India and France commenced during the 1600s-1700s. During the late 17th and 18th centuries, the French often allied with various Indian states to counter the British, which was part of the broader Seven Years War between Paris and London, including the French and Indian War in the Americas. However, by the Treaty of Paris in 1763, the British became the dominant power in the Indian subcontinent.
Nevertheless, France retained control of those trading outposts; even today, there are French speakers in Pondicherry. Additionally, in Goa, while it was under Portuguese control, the second most spoken language was French, and many subjects in universities, such as medicine, were taught in French. During World War I, about 1.3 million Indian soldiers fought under the British Indian and French Indian armies combined, and in Neuve Chappelle, France, there is a memorial dedicated to the 4,700 Indian soldiers and workers who lost their lives fighting on the Western front during the first world war.
After World War II, the two countries had similar worldviews of an independent foreign policy. In France, Charles de Gaulle formulated the doctrine of Gaullism, emphasizing national sovereignty and a foreign policy independent of Washington and London that continued to guide French presidents. The Gaullist legacy explains why Paris opposed the U.S. invasion of Iraq and criticized the US war in Vietnam. Similarly, since the 1950s under Nehru, Indian foreign policy has emphasized nonalignment and maintaining an independent foreign policy from Washington. As a result, India-France relations deepened due to similar strategic convergence. For example, after India tested its nuclear weapon in 1998, unlike London or Washington, Paris did not condemn India but instead was the first significant power to open talks with India.
However, what allows France to have an independent foreign policy is that it is a nuclear power and a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council (UNSC). Being an internationally recognized nuclear weapons state, Paris does not rely on the American nuclear umbrella that other European countries do, like Estonia or Poland. Additionally, being a permanent member of the UNSC gives France the ability to veto any resolutions and not have to rely on any country to shield it from unfriendly U.N. resolutions.
Since Modi became prime minister, developing relations with France has been crucial. “French president Emmanuel Macron’s motto “allied, but not aligned” echoes Indian external affairs minister Dr. S. Jaishankar’s insistence that India is “entitled to have its own side.” Thus, Modi and Macron seek a multipolar world that isn’t dominated by any one power, and the French and Indian cooperation, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, is characterized by flexible partnerships and a network of strategic partnerships without joining a formal alliance. Thus, even while India is a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), along with the U.S, Japan, and Australia, it remains an active participant in organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and BRICS, in which countries such as Russia, China, and Iran are members. In many respects, the French and Indian visions of having strategic autonomy are very similar to Vietnam’s, which seeks to avoid having to “choose” between Washington and Beijing.
Additionally, as India seeks to reduce dependence on Russian arms, France has been an important country as the weapons cost comparatively less than American weapons. Before 2016, less than 5% of arms were from France. However, from 2018-2022, about 30% of weapons were from France. Today, after Russia, France is the second largest supplier of Indian weapons. Additionally, unlike Washington, Paris has been willing to provide India with defense technology and co-produce some parts in India. For example, on January 27, 2024, the two countries agreed to jointly produce defense equipment, such as helicopters and submarines.
The relationship between Paris and New Delhi is one to keep an eye on, especially in “the present uncertain times, with rising tensions and mistrust between U.S., China, and Russia…France and India have a shared interest in developing a coalition of middle powers with a shared commitment for a rule-based multipolar world order.”
